April 11, 2013 |
When President Obama formally unveiled his fiscal 2014
budget on Wednesday, a lot of the progressive movement focus was on his
plan to cut Social Security benefits through a reduced cost-of-living
adjustment called the “chained CPI.” But there was another scandalous
policy decision reflected in that budget as well, and this one is a sin
of omission: There will not be an all-out effort to address the
depression-level unemployment conditions among African Americans.
In
that is a convergence of misplaced economic priorities and foolhardy
politics. The African-American community is the most solid bloc of what
Democracy Corps calls the “rising American electorate.” It is the bloc
whose unity around Barack Obama propelled him into the White House in
2008 and kept him there in 2012. But among African-American voters there
are a significant segment that has complained for years that their
votes are taken for granted by the Democratic party, and among no small
number of African-American thinkers,
very little has happened in the Obama administration to soften their concerns.
The
rejoinder to those who assert that African Americans don’t have much to
show for their votes for the Democratic Party continues to be that “the
Republican party is worse.” But while the Republican Party remains too
tied to America’s Jim Crow past to win significant shares of African
American votes, Democrats could still lose in 2014 and beyond when for
millions of African-American voters “not much” to show for their loyalty
becomes “not enough” to show up at the polls.
An Economic Crisis
Friday’s job report was
the continuation of a decades-long story of the nation still living
with the echoes of its racist past. Unemployment among African Americans
was measured at 13.3 percent. That’s more than one in eight African
Americans looking for work but nonetheless out of a job. The white
unemployment rate is half that, at 6.7 percent.
The persistence of
disproportionate African-American unemployment is a capstone of the
“heads-they-win-tails-we-lose” persistence of African Americans getting
the worst when the economy declines and the least when the economy
grows.
That pattern was repeated during the Great Recession. An essay on the black middle class in the National Urban League’s
“State of Black America 2012″ report
contains some of the stark details, concluding that “almost all of the
economic gains of the last 30 years have been lost” since late 2007, and
worse, “the ladders of opportunity for reaching the black middle class
are disappearing.”
In 2010, the median household income for African Americans was 30 percent less than the median income of white households
30 years ago.
African-American household income fell more than 2.5 times farther than
white household income during the Great Recession, 7.7 percent versus
2.9 percent.
Home ownership rates also fell for African Americans at
roughly double the rates of whites, essentially wiping out the gains in
home ownership since 2000. Today, more than a quarter of African
Americans live below the poverty line, compared to about 10 percent of
white people.
A newly released report by the Joint Center for
Political and Economic Studies also underscores the severity of economic
conditions among African Americans. That report focused on black
unemployment rates in 25 states with large African-American populations
starting when the economy was at its peak in 2006. “In 2006, prior to
the recession, the unemployment rate in the black community was already
at recession levels in every one of the 25 states we studied, from 8.3%
in Virginia to 19.2% in Michigan, and in 20 of the 25 states the
unemployment rate for African Americans was above 10%,” the report said.
“In 2011, more than two years after the economic recovery began,
unemployment rates for African Americans across most age, gender and
education categories remained significantly higher than their
pre-recession rates.”
In fact, the jobless rate for African
Americans between the ages of 20 and 24 in these states was 29.5 percent
in 2011, two years after the recession had supposedly ended.
“If
the national unemployment rate was anywhere near these percentages, we’d
be in crisis emergency mode,” said Ralph B. Everett, president of the
Joint Center, during a discussion of the report last week.
Instead,
the “crisis” that has the attention of the Washington political class
is the federal debt, and even the Obama administration has now caught
some of the fever. This fixation dictates that the federal government
not be able to devote the resources necessary to address this crisis.
While members of
the “Fix the Debt” crowd –
overwhelmingly white and disengaged from the day-to-day struggles of
African-American communities – pleads concern about the debt that will
be handed down to their children, no one speaks of the consequences that
the continuing economic depression experienced by millions of
African-American households will have on the next generation.
There
is no question what majorities of African-American voters consider to
be the real threat to their long-term economic interests – it is not the
federal deficit, but the inaction in Washington driven by the
conservative fixation on the deficit. In a Democracy Corps focus group
on
the economic priorities of the “rising America electorate,” almost
three out of four African Americans agreed with a statement that said
that while reducing the deficit is important, we must “invest in
education, protect retirement security, and reduce health care costs in a
balanced way” in order to “invest in growth that creates good middle
class jobs.” Fewer than one in five agreed with the argument used by
congressional Republicans that “our biggest problem is that we spend too
much” and that “we must cut spending, including Medicare and Social
Security” while protecting the wealthy from tax increases.
The
statement that won overwhelming African-American support in the
Democracy Corps survey happens to parallel the three issues that were
listed as top priorities of African Americans surveyed in the group:
retirement benefits, affordable education and affordable health care. It
is a list largely borne out of the day-to-day experiences of
African-American households. Of those who were surveyed, 48 percent had
cut back on purchases at the grocery store, 25 percent had seen their
wages or benefits at work reduced, 22 percent had lost a job, 32 percent
had moved in with family or had family move in with them to save money,
13 percent had fallen behind in their mortgage and 11 had been affected
by cuts to unemployment benefits.
The Agenda We Need
The
Democracy Corps survey also picked up something that should be very
worrying to the Democratic Party. In a generic “who would you vote for
if the election were held today” matchup, African-American support for
Democrats fell from 90 percent at the beginning of the year to 85
percent in March. And only 71 percent of African Americans surveyed said
they were “almost certain to vote” in the 2014 elections after having
voted in 2012, compared to 78 percent of white voters. Yes, it is a
relatively small sample in one poll and campaigning for the first of the
midterm elections is still at least eight months away.
But it pays to remember 2010, when African Americans were
only 10 percent of the electorate, down from 13 percent in 2008.
According to the Joint Center for Political Studies,
16 of the 60 seats Democrats lost in the House that year were in
districts in which at least 10 percent of the electorate was African
American.
Turnout rebounded strongly in 2012, perhaps as much
in reaction against the
Republican Party and Republican-backed voter suppression efforts as it
was a desire to keep President Obama in the White House and increase
Democratic Party power in Congress.
What could energize
African-American turnout in 2014 that was absent in 2010? The answer is
clear: Candidates speaking directly to the economic depression in
African-American communities with a plan to rebuild the rungs on the
ladder of upward mobility, including putting people back to work at good
jobs; quality, affordable education; accessible health care and
retirement security.
To be fair, President Obama has frequently
touted a jobs program that would put additional money into
infrastructure spending and schools, and he has in the past championed
the kind of green energy investments that can provide a broad range of
new job opportunities in high-unemployment communities. He has promised
more of the same in the upcoming budget proposal. But President Obama’s
proposals have never been proportional to the need, trimmed by the
political constraints imposed by an obstructionist Republican opposition
and timid Democratic allies.
That opposition in the immediate
term certainly renders out of reach anything on the scale of the
Congressional Progressive Caucus infrastructure plan, which would not
only add 7 million jobs in the first year but would produce a sizable
share of those jobs in communities and job categories where African
Americans are strongly represented. But President Obama and Democratic
party elected officials should want to be seen as leading the fight for
economic justice and equality for African Americans, hastening the day
when economic disparities rooted in America’s legacy of racism are
eradicated once and for all. Accepting the limits imposed by the
inheritors of the Confederate legacy may appear politically expedient,
but it is the way of moral and electoral bankruptcy.
Isaiah J. Poole is the executive editor of TomPaine.com.
I don't want to say this but I think there is still a discrimination between white and African American. We can't solve this if we would not move as one.
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